The far-right is not associated willingly with the concept of the third globalization or the alternative world; the telling cogency reveals that its name, the far-right, across of Europe connotes racism, drumming up for deeply ingrained feelings of the white supremacism or the European civilization. The third globalization and the alternative world are the legacy of the left; rather, the far-left.
Things do not always go this way as precisely as such; racism is not the only trigger that directs the most populist sects of a large portion of the voters of the largest far-right parties against an elite of intellectuals and literati of broad culture, while fully immersed in ideological issues. Nevertheless, some theorists grounded in this field adopt another view, which is based on broad cultural details. If they sometimes get engaged in the political arena, the most important aspect is displayed in magazines and books, and in forums of influence; rather, in associations that differ in their secret side. Their project is to change the depths within a vision that can be said to be utopian idealist, in which we see famous names such as: Guénon René and Julius Evola. I will not speak of France alone; rather, I will take into account the problem at the level of all of Europe coupled with Russia.
Diversity of Trends
One of the difficulties encountered by the researcher in addressing the issue of the far-right is the wide variety of orientations and bodies that are often based on strong individual capabilities, and on small political blocs or fuzzy ideas.
As viewed by the far-right, the third globalization should be primarily conceived in the scope of non-alignment, dating back to the era in which the world was bipolar, which is duality characterizing the twentieth century. The idea of a third way between communism and American capitalism is echoed particularly in “Neither Right nor Left” by Zev Sternhell to describe French fascism, rejecting the deeply ingrained idea: France is immune to political extremism that spread in the 1920s in Italy and Germany.
The idea of the “Third Way” by the far-right precedes the two issues following World War II and dates back to the infancy stage of the Soviet Union, driven by the slogan (No to Communism, No to Liberal Democracy) as a real catalyst. We find this motivation in Heidegger’s philosophy termed as WANT, which dates back to April 1945. It is a text in which he announced, at a time when Nazi Germany has not yet announced its surrender, the birth of the Cold War, and the ruthless confrontation between two political systems and two ideological approaches.
The Soviet Union and the United States of America had not yet reached a phase of hostility. Heidegger records a remarkable interest in the Soviet Union not because of true communism ubiquitous there; rather, it is an aspiration for communism of minds in which the pure and implicit truth refers to the spirit of the Russian people.
Seas Peoples
When the concepts of the third globalization and the alternative path are attributed to the far-right, this will be in the name of the always delusional popular depth, referring to the allegedly original identity of the people in their own inwardness without blending with other cultures.
Carl Schmitt, a writer of Nazi leanings who is the center of the geopolitical theoretical ideology of the far-right, puts in his book Terre et Mer the term “Seas People” that describes some peoples, especially the English allied with the Jews, as opposed to the peoples of the lands, which are the deep-rooted continental peoples with earthly tendencies. The peoples of the seas are individual cosmic rootless peoples, who move in an empty, unstable space. The earthly people are interested in the law of the land and active on the territory occupied by sovereign states. The difference is big between what we mentioned and the concept of the alternative world among the leftists, who consider the downtrodden social class a transcontinental phenomenon. What is meant here is to address the oppressed peoples while respecting their specificities.
Migration and crossbreeding are unacceptable on the ground, on the pretext that every distinct culture is a closed culture; if it is mixed with others or is particularly distracted by the weight of influence, it is as if it became a cultural colony, that is, it suffers an irreparable loss. This vision is not contemporary, and it is often mentioned in this context that the Nazis rejected the colonial empires that, according to their logic, should be distinguished from the vital sphere, which are the lands occupied by Germany in its east because it belongs naturally to the German people.
Anti-Imperialism
Anti-Americanism, which is in fact political and cultural, is directed towards taking stereotypical positions of the far-right, which is radically anti-imperialist. It is evident that anti-imperialism on the far-right has a history, and it is also evident that we find the sources of such hostility in the ideologies adopted by several trends in the 1920s, especially among the supporters of the conservative revolution. We also find it between 1950-1960 in non-alignment. This anti-imperialist position did not obtain a majority until the end of the seventies for a number of reasons. They are listed down chronologically:
- The establishment of the New Right with the Research and Studies Group for a European Civilization (GRECE), under the direction of Alain de Benoist, an author who claims to be defiant to the classification of neither “right” nor “left” and continues to lead the thinking of the far-right at the level of France if not at the global level. We should mention here Alexandre Douguine in the Soviet Union, Diego Fusaro in Italy, and Kémi Séba between Benin and France. We should also mention other representatives of this trend, less well-known across the media, such as Rachid Achachi from Morocco.
- The success of the Islamic revolution in Iran, in which the president was obsessed with anti-Semitism with the far-right, and which contributes to the revival of the idea of the third globalization, among the currents that encouraged all forms of anti-colonial struggle. We would like to cite here the name of Jacques Vergès, whose political convictions are riddled with suspicions, or the name of the Swiss banker François Genoud.
- The end of the Soviet Union, which means the end of bipolarity, and the unilateralism of the United States of America as world leadership.
Anti-imperialism, which ultimately means opposition to an alternative globalization which is economic as well, has become one of the most apparent features of the far-right. It fuels anti-Americanism with deep anti-Semitism (some say metaphysical). The strategy of the far-right, faithful to the goals of the GRECE, is to create a cultural blog that is an ideological base for a gradual seizure of power, and at least as Alan Benoit and those close to him see it, is to win the culture battle to swallow the left.
This results in what we call brown red, as the red is the emblem of communism, and brown is the emblem of the far-right. Benoit’s approach is evident in the two important magazines directed by Eléments and Krisis, which are aimed at a wide audience, unlike the less popular magazines of the past far-right, such as Totalit and Flash. Benoit used to invite to his two magazines intellectuals of all sects under the slogan of the necessity to go beyond monistic ideology. Therefore, the far-right falsified a large part of the current references, and imposed resources that adopt its ideological frameworks, and imposed its terminology.
Ideological Conviction
The ideological convictions of such groups are clearly influenced by the far-right, by relying on a form of interpretation of Nietzscheism’s ideas; paganism, the anti-cosmopolitanism of the Enlightenment and the conservative revolution are traditional ideas in culture and revolutionary at the political level), deeply anti-capitalist and anti-Christian, rejecting any form of liberalism. As for what is related to their uplifting and glorification of peoples, they approach the point of idolatry and paganism, accompanied by strong traditions, as they see the deep ecologies as victims of the spread of Christianity through genocide, and they see in them proofs that preceded those of Descartes, and the absence of dualism. It is important to say that their inclination for neo-paganism does not distract them from Islam. Rather, what happens is the opposite, as they read it with the eyes of Guénoniennes, praising his distinguished return to the primitive tradition; they have a tendency towards Islam and care for it. We mention Claudio Mutti, an Italian who converted to Islam, and there is political Islamism that we find in Soral and Dieudonné in France.
The theory that allows us to clearly understand the far-right and anti-globalization is the theory of ethnic differences vis-à-vis cosmopolitanism, the promotion of the right to cultural difference, and the compatibility of cultures, referring to an identity in origin, and was theorized by Armin Mohler, which is a theory that we find its predecessor in Defense on the Previous View by Burke and Maistre, a step in the direction of the German nationalist völkisch popular movement of the Nazi era.
Thus, the search for vital assets, not for social assets, has led to the defense of regimes that consider themselves carrying out a process of liberation, as is the case in Venezuela under President Chavez. The intention is to defend diversity and tolerance in the face of imperial stereotypes, and to eliminate peoples’ cultures. The idea that Europe should be liberated from American colonialism, and that a universal alliance should be established between Europe and the enemies of the United States of America means that by liberation the people will return to their origin, which is the fate of such people.